E 458 
.2 

.L87 
Copy 1- 



E 458 
.2 

.L87 
Copy 1 













A,'' r " ° 4 '<*^ 












.*^\ 



.0 






r^ * » , 1 • ^>^ O * O « '' ^VJ ^^ 



C5 *., « 



^ ^ * ' f o 



■^^ - •< • 



<^, *»1'.. 



■ -m--. x,.*"^ .-^v/v. %/• •■ 



S" 

.V^. 












-^^0^ 









' ^0' 









•0' , 



.'^S^** "^bv^ 






A^^ s. 






^^ 



^' 












V . » • • ' o 



.•^ 



v. V 






y/A^"^ 



A^" 




\ 







- -^^ 











o "^>W/ ,0- ^ 'l^^K^^ ^^^ 



,0' 



o 



<^, 






















AN APPEAL 



IN 



111 of ^eace f nncijiles, 

AND AGAINST 

RESISTANCE BY FORCE OF ARMS, 

BY 

ALFRED H. LOVE, OF PHILADELPHIA. 
A REVIEW, 
IX OPPOSITION TO AN ADDRESS, 

DELIVERED BY THE COMrANY CHAPLAIN, 

wii.ma:*! j. :fimEX, 

At tlio First Baptist Cliurcli in Passyiank, Philadelplaia, 



ON THE OCCASION OF A SWORD PRESENTATION TO LIEUTENANT FINK, 
COMPANY E., THIRD REGIMENT, RESERVE GRAYS, P. T. 



June 17t.h, 1861^ 

1883 




^ 



PHILADELPHIA : 

MAAS i VOODF.S, PKINTERS, N. E. CORNER SECOND AND CIIESTX0T ST3. 

1862. 



To THE Reader : — 

In thus presontinp lh«' fullwwin;; addn'M and letter rrccired : 
reply, it is but proper to state, that the former was delirentl at the r^ 
quest of numerous friends, and althou;;h the latter waa I believe, inten- 
ded only for private perusal, I feel that itji author caDDot ol.j»«ct to ila pub- 
lication, if by so doing the noble cau.ne of prare tad luoraliljr will I 
promoted. 

While I can endors*' its j.ure christian apirit, I feel that errr 
one would rejoice if it could be adopted throughout the world. GU'i 
would I hail it« advent f-r i.ur country Hui although I -o 

fully with its peaceful Hentimentu, which I have iny««-lf »o ol- a- 

ted heretofore, I must acknowliMjge to Wing contrt)lled by one principle 
equally binding M^th those seKeteil by the writ4r of the letter "Thi»u 
shalt let the-oppre.xsed go free" in a commiQilmcnt. which, in my opini«>oi 
can only be obeyed by uniting my influence, an far M I can, with tl, 
powers that be, in cru.shing thia unli Iv r. K " ' ' n .t«d in 

slavery. An honorable rcsintanco in tlx' >.iiis- < leir- 

ly enjoined by that comuiundmcnt tt this crisis, that [ nionot hcsiUi' 
to vindicate the acta of the Gov.mment, leaving to a Higher I'ower iIm- 
question of the motive which prumptj* me in their support. 

Ke.<»pcct fully, 

WILLIAM .1. .Ml LLKN. 

rhiladelphia, April 7, 18G2. 



THE ADDRESS 

OF 

AVILLIA.M J. MXJLLEISr, 

CHAPLAIN OF THE COMPANY, 

ON THE OCCASION OF THE SWORD PRESENTATION. 



Licutennnt Fink : — Having been requested by patriotic members of 
the Cliurch and other friend-s of yours, to present you with a sword, as 
a testimonial of their appreciation of your merits, as the beloved Lieu- 
tenant of the Minute Guards, of the First Ward, and of their attach- 
ment to the cause for which it is destined to be used, I accept the 
duty assi;;ned me with a full recognition of its dignity and importance. 

The present is a period in our country's history, which our fathers 
cnuhl liave never anticipated, even io the darkest hours of their struggle 
for the liberty we have hitherto enjoyed; no, their pure. minds could 
not for a moment have imagined that their iuimediate decendflHts would 
liave traitorously struck at tiiat sacred freedom, which had been pur- 
cha>!ed with their blood. But this calamity has actually come, and 
must be met with a manly courage; and it becomes every true patriot 
to draw the sword in defence of our country in this its hour of peril. 

Receive, then, sir, this sword from me, who have been appointed to 
represent members of your Church, as well as our (Jompany, in this par- 
ticular. They desire it given in attestation of their high regard and es- 
teem for your past active services, not only in secular departments, but 
also in the Church, in battling against the powers of sin — that sin which 
originated with the first rebel, Satan, when he stirred up the first war 
in lleavi-n. From that period to the present, God has had faithful cham- 
•pions, who have battled successfully against evil and corruption. And, 
as you are a man of ( rod, auimated, doubtless, with strong faith, you can, 
wit'h peculiar propriety, accept this sword, which will be drawn by you 
(if necessary) in defence of (.ur holy religion, as \\A\ as those sacred 
liberties, which were secured by our Fathers, not only for us, but for all 
succeeding generations. If we triumph in this struggle, our posterity 
will be favored with freedom; and millions yet unborn, will bless the 
pi'riot heroes, who took arms in a cause so holy. 

It m.iy, perhaps;, seem strange to many, that 1 should present a sword, 
who have', all my life, been an advocate for peace, and for years inti- 
mately connected with the Peace Society of Pennsylvania. But I should 
be a trait..r to mv country as well as to the memory of my patriotic father, 
who fou-^ht and'bled under General Scott in the battle of Lundy's Lane, 



in the War of 1812, aud whose remains are deposited near that sacred 
spot, did I refuse to take part in this contest, now that 1 am driven to 
the wall, and the enemy are at our vciy doors — that enemy too, who 
have enslaved 4,000,*J00 of human beings, and seek to enslave 20,0()U,- 
000 more, of Northern freemen, whom they regard as "mud sills." Well 
do I know, that War is a horrible evil ; nor do I recall one word of the 
testimony I have ever borne against it But I know, too that there is 
an evil more horrible still, — the destruction by traitors of our National 
Government, which has so long secured the civil and religious liberty of 
millions, and under whose shadow the oppressed and down-trodden of 
every land on earth have found aud may tind a safe refuge. For the 
protection of that Government, we are authorized by both the Old and 
the 2^ew Testaments, to appeal to arms. What, in fact, is the whole 
Jewish history, from the conquest of Canaan downwards, but a narrative 
of oft repeated wars waged und^r the direction of the Lord of Hosts? 
We might almost suppose, that Jehovah was speaking of our Southern 
rebels, when he says, "I will send a sword after them, who have forsaken 
my law and walked after the imagination of their own heart, till I have 
consumed them." The stirring old war-cry "The sword of the J^urd and 
of Gideon," shows that the Jewish patriot here had no doubt of the 
Divine approval of war in defence of one's country. 

And that Christ and his Apostles did not condemn the use of the 
sword in certain circumstances, is manifest from various pa.ssagcs. Thus 
our Saviour said expressly to his disciples, "Think not, that 1 am come 
to send peace on the earth — I am not coujc to send peace, but a sword." 
So long, indeed, as sin and wickedness exist in the world, there cannot 
be permanent or complete peace; and it often happens that the shortest 
and best, perhaps the only way to obtain peace is to coiujurr by the sharp, 
swift sword of war. Who can point out any other hnnorable way by 
which we could restore peace? On another (Kra>;|i(iu Christ said to hi.s 
disciples, "He that hath no sword, let ))im si-11 his garment an>J buy one " 
The present is, of all times, the one when this course (if need be j should 
be adopted by ourselves. 

Listen, too, to the wi.se and noble Apostle of the Gentiles: "Let 
every soul be subject to the higher powers. Wilt thou not be afraid of 
the power? If thou do that which is evil, be afraid, for /(c Uaietli not 
the .sword in vain, for he is the minister of God, an avenger to execute 
wrath upon him that doeth evil." 'J his passage authenticates in the 
fullest degree a war such as that in wiiich we are now engaged. 

But besides being thus justified by the general scope, as well as par- 
ticular passages of Holy Writ, we are ahso countenanced by the example 
of (christian men in every age of Christian history. 

Thus, what nobler and weightier example cmild we have than that of 
our own Washington, a profcused follower of Christ and a man of prayer, 
not less than a triumphant warrior and a successful statesman? And 
among our Revolutionary armies were found many a clergyman and 
many a deacon, who bravely wielded the sword, as well as devoutly 
used the spiritual weapon of prayer. Numerous kindred examples may 
be met with in our various modern annals. The heroic Swedish niou- 
sirch, Gustavus Adolphus, the champion of European Protestanti.-m in 



its most critical hours, was a ri'ligious inaii, aihi \va> umit In prav at tin' 
head of his army on the eve of battle. .Most pu-oplc kn.w th.- 'liixf >rv 
of the English Colonel Gardiner, who fell in one of tin- Insurn-ctionH in 
behalf of the Stuarts. He showed plainly tiiat, a ni m inij.'lit h • a j^oo I 
soldier and a good Ciiristian too. A still more striking example of tlin 
same class is General Ilavelock, whose history as a hravc and iicfom- 
plished leader, as well as a fine scholar, who could at the .Hume tinn- 

pray with and preach to his soldiers, and who trained up his < iinand 

to a Christian baud, and yet the best force in the army, is too familiart.j 
need more than mention here. 

And our own Col. P^Usworth and Lieut. Greblc, gallant voung soldiers, 
who within a few days have been smitten down by the traitors of our 
country; and the latter of whom was of our own city, and a comniuiii- 
cant in one of our churches — may be added to the list of tho^; who 
were at once able soldiers, sincere Christians and (}od-fearing men. 

Fortified by precepts and examples like these, I have no hesitation in 
accepting the present duty allotted me ; nor shall I fail to do whatever 
else lies in my power to secure the success of the present attempt to put 
down this wicked and unnatural rebellion. 

We are told in the holy writ that the builders of Jerusalem had 
swords to defend both their lives and the cause for whirli they labored; 
so a sword is tendered to you, sir, to aid in the building up of thi.s 
mighty nation on a solid foundation of freedom. Accept it, .•■ir, from 
me, your fellow soldier and chaplain, as the gift of friends, both witjjin 
and without your church, I give it to you sheathed and with my bless- 
ing upon it, and God grant the necessity may never come for unsheath- 
ing it ! If called to draw it, we feel assured you will never allow it to 
be dishonored. Forget not that Church and State are now alike in 
danger, and that every good citizen is under obligation to sustain that 
power, whose labors a/e at present so vigorously exerted in their behalf. 
That power is the United States Government, upon whose banner thirty- 
f(mr stars are still brilliant, which treason itself cannot destroy or dim, 
while the young and brave of our land step so gallantly forward to pour 
out, if need be, their best blood in its defence. If the active services 
of yourself and your fellow soldiers are required, we feel confident you 
will maintain unsullied the honor of our nation's emblem, and the repu- 
tation of the American army. Should it be your lot to die in battle, 
remember that your restiugplacc will be hallowed as a bed of glory ; 
while, if you return victorious^ a grateful people will crown you with 
lasting honors and ample rewards. 

Ancl now nsay the benediction of the " God of Battles" rest evermore 
upon you ; and may he restore you, at no distant day, to your homes, 
conquerors for your country's sake — conquerors for humanity's sake — 
conquerors for Christ's sake. 



LETTER 

OF 

ALFRED H, LOVE, OF PHILADELPHIA, 

IN REPLY, 

Vindicating the Principle of Peace, and Non-Resistance 
by Force of Arms. 



KivERTON, 8th mo. 22d, 1861 
WiLLiAM-iT. Mullen ; 

Ml/ good and esteemed Friend : 

The accidental turn of our conversation, a few evenings since, was 
remarkable, and must prove full of meaning, lleturniug from a moet- 
in<r of the Philadelphia Society for alleviating the miseries of I'ublic 
Prisons, the philanthropic objects of which enlist our attention, and of 
which thee is its active and indefatigable agent, gaining so much merited 
praise and popularity by thy full appreciation of the sufferings of the 
unfortunate and needy, and thy self-sacriticing life service in ameliorat- 
ing their condition ; returning from this meeting thee said thee had 
abandoned thy peace principles for the present, owing to the peculiar 
demands of the war for the Government and the Union. I was, indeed, 
astonished M'hen thee thus announced thyself, more especially when 
thee told me thee was the Chaplain of a body of soldiers. Is it not 
strange that thee can be found countenancing war under any circum- 
stances, especially in connection with thy philanthropic and humani- 
tarian proclivities? 

Thee tells me thee has been associated with the Peace Society of 
Pennsylvania, and for several years its Treasurer, and will not recall one 
word of the testimony thee has borne ag.inst war, and that when this 
war is over, thee means to espouse again those principles. Excuse me 
if I reflect too severely ; but thy having been imbued with the import- 
ance of pure peace principles, and even now acknowledging their virtue, 
renders thee far more recreant to the trust imposed by our Father, than 
one who has not advanced to this high moral standard ; there is far 
more reproach deserved by thee, thau one whose conscience has not 
been thus touched, and whose time and talents have been differently 
•directed. 

Holding as thee does a responsible and enviable position, such a one 
as but few men are competent to occupy, when thee places thyself upon 
a level with fighting men, the fall becomes a melancholy one indeed. 
Thee is a light in the world, thy good services have made thee respected 
•and followed by those who are less gifted and favored. Be careful then 
how thee deceives them. Acknowledging war a horrible evil, and yet 
•accepting it on account of the cau.se, .seemingly so just, is not calculated 
■to lessen its enormity, nor elevate thee in the estimation of^those poor, 



unfortunate people who so readily spring to arms at tlic least pidvoca- 
tion. Nor can thee niitifrate the evils by sayinfr, " tliero are .-oine more 
horrible " The proposition, " of two evils clionse the lesser," is falla- 
cious. The moment we recognize the evils, we presnpjxise the ri^ht, 
therefore of two evils choose neither — choose the right, for it admits of 
no comparative degree — no alternative. The positive admissinn of its 
being an evil should, therefore, deter thee from taking any part, or 
encouraging others to do so It seems almost unnecessary to weigh 
war in the scale of horrible evils. Where is the evil that is parent to 
more sin and crime than this, and more superinduces a transgression of 
every one of the ten commandments ; in short, ignores virtue, morality 
and a Christ like life. Still, I am willing to leave the portentousnessof 
the evil to every one's estimate, sutficient it certainly is, that it is an 
evil — then reject it ! Although a pure non-resistance by carnftWeapons 
politically considered, may seem at this time impracticable, yet as 
Christians we must know nothing of expediency, for that presupposes a 
palliation of evil ; we must know nothingof compromises, for that medi- 
tates an agreement with wickedness; we must know nothing of majori- 
ties or minorities, for that engenders fear, and a reliance upon others, 
rather than ourselves. All we should know is our duty, guided by the 
conscientious and revealed right. Procrastination should not be in the 
vocabulary of the friend of man. Thee admits my premises are right, 
but says it is too late to talk peace and irresistance by the sword. That 
it may do hereafter ; that this is not the millennium. Why we make 
millenniums! They are the highest development of our spiritual nature, 
attainable only by lives of purity and virtue, by abjui-ing the use of 
carnal weapons and adopting a system of universal benevolence and love 
to mankind. But thee would defer, and yet be conscious of thy error. 
Why wait ? Life is short, uncertain and transitory, and often enfeebled 
by sickness or obstructed with cares. No ! " Act in the living present " 
Procrastination has been called '* the thief of time." It is so, and 
more, it is the thief of duty. By deferring continually we neglect 
duties; we salve them over ; we modify them to make them comfort- 
able. Procrastination is the thief of happiness — by postponing, we 
accumulate and tangle work that we cannot lessen and unravel, and 
become nervous, fretful, dissatisfied and unhappy. Procrastination does 
more than thieve — it poisons the present by forever devolving the duties 
of the past upon the incoming, new and fresh present, and we are con- 
tinually left to work upon the old and stale. It mortgages the future, and 
when that future is attained it is encumbered with debt. Procrastina- 
tion murders the out-bursting of the Divine Spirit, which ought to act 
promptly when the cause is presented. It kills ambition, deadens 
enterprise and destroys true manhood. Surely thee does not wish to 
encourage this trait ; and yet when thee tells me that after this war is 
over thee means to espouse thy former peace principles and testimonies, 
I feel that thee forgets that 

" Art is long;, and time is fleeting, 
And our hearts, though strong and brave, 

Still like muffled drums are beating, 
Funeral marches to the grave." 



8 

Does thee tliink of the possibility of thy not living till the war is 
over. I find thee in the full vigor of life and health, and yet next week 
thee and I may be in our graves. Do not defer then thy noble inten- 
tions ! We must begin some time, and that time is when the Spirit 
prompts and the exigency arises. 

Recollect that life is a test, we are placed here for trial, well fortified 
by examples, revelation, reason and conscience, for a higher state of 
existence in the future. The test of the present is probably one of the 
severest that could be pr^^scnted to the American citizen. But we have 
been boastful of our enlightenment and morality, and require severe 
tests. Our feelings arc at once enlisted, and our impulses are to rush 
to arms in the defence of our rights and the support of our government. 
But where do we weigh the heaviest ? Where does thee exercise the 
greatest influence? In the army and on the battle field, or in thy God- 
given round of duties, in the prison and on the streets of a crowded 
city ? Why in the former position thee may fall at the first fire of the 
enemy, in the latter, thy services cease only with sickness, accident, the 
infirmities of age, or thy natural demise In the one case, thee subjects 
thy life to destruction, and in the other thee reserves it for thy Creator, 
and seeks to preserve it to fulfil the mission of its creation. 

Mark the efi'ect of thy encouraging war, this or any other. Those 
that look up to thee — follow. Thee, thyself, becomes absorbed in the 
enthusiasm of the hour, and floats along on the swelling tide, forgetful 
that popular movements always should be carefully watched, often even 
doubted. Take heed that thee does not become drift-wood. The rush- 
ing tide has overleaped its banks, driftwood will not dam it — will not 
control it — rock-masonry will. Stay this flood of waters, and it will 
deepen and compose; and its great powers, instead of dashing along uncon- 
trolled to waste, devastating all in its course, may be used to turn the 
glorious machinery of the world, the grist-mills and the saw-mills— the 
wheels of thought and action, of utility and morality ! 

Thee kindly handed me a report of the speech thee made at the late 
sword presentation, soliciting a reply; and in a deep impressive wood, at 
sunrise, upon a summer's morning of smiles and cheer, I have read and 
conned it over. Seated near the Delaware, an unromantic stream just 
here, yet hallowed by the example of William Penn, who without a 
precedent in history, and against the advice of worldly men, settled in 
the midst of savages on principles of non-resistance by force of arms. 
This river seems to have received the kiss of Divinity, and to n)irror 
back a lesson for all future time; and its ebbing and flowing seem to me 
a kind of re-echo from the great founder in the very city in which thee 
lives and fulfils thy beautiful mission. ^» 

Heed then, my friend, this spirit ! The government of Penn existed 
in its purity and unimpaired, the same length of time as that of the 
United States, — a strange coincidence I It would have continued, but 
for the adoption of carnal weapons as a means of defence, by those who 
succeeded to the government, after the death of Penn and his immediate 
followers. The type that I read, is this river, the composure of these 
woods, the serenity of the sky, the harmony of all around me, the matins 
of birds, the glow of the sun, — All the^e types are large and can be read 



9 

by old eyes and young eyes — ves, ediu-ated and uneducated, and they 
mean peace, utility ami purity. Conning tby address in such a placo, 
surrounded bv such divine influences and stimulated by the warmest 
friendship and concern for thee, thee will excuse uie if I condemn, rather 
than commend, that, which rhetorically considered, I so much admire and 
the sentiment of which many, from their own stand-points, will very 
much applaud. 

I regret thee ever made it. Thee says "having been requested by mem- 
bers of the church to present a sword as a testimonial of their attachment 
to the cause for which it is destined to be used." To me it is a sad com- 
mentary upon the church, which should bo the synonym of godliness, 
teaching the fiitherhood of God and the brotherhood of man, to present 
a weapon of revenge and death. This very (diurch, professedly, has been 
promulgating the " golden rule" of "Do unto others as you would have 
them do unto you," ami that other rule, of doubly refined gold "Love 
your enemies." It has been urging "Love thy neighbour as thyself;" 
"Return good for evil; "Whosoever smiteth thee upon one cheek, turn 
to him the other also;" "Overcome evil with good;" "Resist not evil" and 
all the precepts of love, meekness, peace and submission. Take the ser- 
mon on the mount as an instance. How strange then is it, that for the 
church the sword is presented. What are its principles worth, if when 
the time comes to try them, they are laid aside? What is the example 
of the 'meek and lowly Jesus' worth, if it is followed and recommended 
until the test of all comes, and then is rejected ? What is our conscience 
worth, if when wa con-iult it, we find it points to our responsibility as 
children of au iiupirtial and loving Father, and reveals our highest duty 
to Him, rather than an imagined duty to country? 

Deep indeed, are the sensibilities of our countrymen, and when touched 
are quickly moved. Uuw uufoitunate is it that we should be under the 
war p'lwer. If we wore as easily mi>ved by the peace motive, the result 
would be enduring. We find our people in the midst of military train- 
ing, learoing the uris o/'wur. Enthusiasm leads, we blindly follow. 

From 50,UU0 churches the cry goes forth for war, and thee endorses 
it when thee accepts thy present position. Even in our public schools 
the lesson seems taught, and Legislatures have proposed the establish- 
ment of military professorships in our colleges and schools. Let Ameri- 
cans pause ere they take this step, or there may be a reactioa dreadful 
to realize. 

Rather let our halls, churches and parks be thrown open to teach the 
arts of peace They never yet have been fully developed. 

They are not confined merelj-, to education and prayer, but comprehend 
proper amusements, mutual sympathy, cheer and social life — pure and 
liberal — the develoftlment of freedom, the exclusion of caste and theguar- 
anties of the rights of man. These will draw us together most securely. 

"The present is a period in our country's history, which our fathers 
could never have anticipated." But we find they did anticipate it if we 
failed to give freedom to the slave, and thus contravene the glorious 
principles of the Declaration of Independence. Surely the pieseut may 
well be considered retributive justice for our many compromises with 
evil, and our long endurance of slavery. A Divine admonition that 



10 

to be united, peaceful and prosperous, there must be no vnily tci'th slave- 
holdlnrj. -t^*^ 

" The calamity has actually come, and must be met with a manly 
courage ," and so thee presents tlie sword. Docs thee cdl this the em- 
bodiment of manly courage, this lighting propensity which partakes so 
much of the brute? 1 think it the least manly, the least courageous. 
Give me the omnipotence of a pure, fearless, dignified, humanitarian 
^?<02'resistance, the sublimity of moral courage, fearing no death to the body, 
earnest alone for the life of the Spirit. It conquers eventually, God's 
self is in it I 

" It becomes the duty of every true patriot, to draw the sword in 
defence of our country in this h<»ur of peril." The South raises the 
cry of patriotism and rights, and the people deem themselves as true 
patriots as we. Let us not arrogate to ourselves immaculate wisdom, 
the purest motives and God avenging prerogatives. We are not infal- 
lible. We have our faults and foibles. We have been guilty of gross 
short-comings. The Southerners are our cfpials in common law, as old 
as we, and created by the same impartial Power. They are interwoven 
with us by all the laws of consanguinity and nationality As the 
mountain ranges bind the north and south, as the rivers nourish 
both sections, as the latitudes of the Southern States jut up, here and 
there, into the Northern States, and thvir southern boundaries in turn 
fall below the northern latitudes of some of their southern neighbors, 
thus dovetailing and cementing their relationships, so are we related, 
and many are the instances where friends, classmates, brothers, parents 
and their sons, have met in this unnatural conflict. 

They are not then so wonderfully difliTcut from us They have some 
redeeming traits — they all have consciences. And now, thoiigli mi.<guided 
as they are, we owe it to our age, our eountiy and our Maker, to apj)eal 
to their consciences, that fountain of goodne.>-s. Touch it then I and the 
living waters will gush forth. We cannot do it with the sword, that 
awakens revenge and killeth. We vnn do it with the whisperings of 
the spirit of love, kindness, charity, persuasion and unfaltering example. 
The world would be far better were we to cheer and cherish the good 
we find, rather than so continually censure and condemn the evil. Let 
us adopt the plan of self accusing rather then self-excusing. Let us 
seek to convert rather than coerce, and our triumphs will seem miracles. 

Patrotism used to mean love of country, and was then a virtue; but 
now it seems to be a love to have our own way, in our country, and is 
now ambition. The true patriot is one who loves to develop^ the high- 
est excellence of his Father's bounty-land, and comprchentls soil, 
institutions and his fellow men, untrammelled by geographical orgenea- 
ological lines. We forget that God is above country, and while the 
latter may do to live by, He alone will do to die by. Love of liberty, 
of life, family and home, are all virtues; but we must be watchful, that 
the means used to protect them subserve the highest moral authority. 
The patriotism which sa}s, I do not know how to fight — I will not 
learn — I would not fight if I knew how, a patriotism Avhich elevates 
the spiritual above the animal nature; which regards the Slaveholder 
less an enemy, than an aufortunate, misguided and erring brother, who 



11 

requires even more love and solicitude; wliicli docs iint call liini _hiufc 
or savage, though focts might justify such cxprcf-.sioii ; that iiicfc* (nit, 
the more he err.-, kindness and troodncss, with an earnest vindicatinn nf 
all the rights of humanity, an advanced civilization and the love of the 
whole country, with the love of its countrymen. Such patriotism opens 
up the duties of the true citizen and patriot, and fears no peril to self or 
nation. 

Thee presents this sword for the church, and for the past services 
therein of the recipient. Is thee not, on the one hand, desecrating the 
spirit of the church, and he, on the other, proving recreant to its teachings? 

Thee asks him to accept this sword " to he drawn in the defence of 
our holy religion." A religion that needs the defence of the sword is 
not holy, nor worth defending. The moment it demands such protec- 
tion, it ceases to be acceptable to our Father, who taught a religion in 
the example of his beloved Son, of meekness with firmness, submission 
with persuasion, martyrdom with resurrection. 

" If we triumph in this struggle, our posterity will be favored with 
freedom." Did thee ever know a perfect, satisfactory and permanent 
freedom secured by successful war ? " The world's history is the world's 
judgment doom," and the annals of history prove that war begets war, as 
evil begets evil. It is so demoralizing that it seems to live in the very 
vitals of the nation, permeating the institutions of the country, and 
cramping the full development of that freedom, which knows no sect, 
color or condition, restrained alone by strict justice and pure virtue. 
No ! freedom is not secured by the sword — military despotism, oppres- 
sion and contention are to be feared continually. 

' But I should be a traitor to my country were I to refuse to take 
part in this contest." Does thee see but one way to take part ? Does 
thee imagine that the spirit of non-resistance by force of arms is such a 
cushioned pew, easy rocking-chair or feather-bed existence that it de- 
mands no action ; and are all who decline to join the army, or aid others 
in doing so, traitors ? No ! the work that opens to the non-resistant at 
this time is immense. It consists in arguing and appealing, petitioning 
and protesting, in demanding and prayerfully desiring — using the great 
levers of an enlightened age ; these moral forces of action and example 
that are truly difficult, yet invincible. No ! thee would be far from traitor 
if thee would grapple with these difficulties on the purest peace basis, 
with a view to dcvelopi the highest claims of morality, by a long, anx- 
ious, unremitted, even if unpopular, effi^rt. By testimonies that would 
bear trial Vmd even martyrdom ; and all for the love thee bears our 
country, our fellow men, and our Creator. 

" Under our National Government the oppressed and down-trodden 
of every land on earth have found and may find a safe refuge" Docs 
the forget the African and the Indian ? Thee does not seem to forget 
the former, for thee alludes to the 4,000,000 enslaved, and yet this boast- 
ful north is verily guilty of the curse to a very great extent. I know 
thy sympathies are deeply moved in their behalf, but is thee so well 
satisfied that this war is the " death-blow to Slavery ?" I mean Slavery 
in its widest sense. Can so sublime a virtue as perfect freedom, a child 
so pure, a consummation so devoutly desired, be the oflFspriug of so cor- 



12 

rupt a parentage as war? Is it possible that a people so diverted from 
the even tenor of their way, and so demoralized by war, should not imbibe 
an irritability of spirit, and disposition for contention that will under- 
value real worth, cheapen life and give a 8way to evil passions, that when 
the war is over, and perhaps during it, may be demonstrated against 
those who have urged, and still urge the abolition of Slavery as the 
greatot boon to humanity and the whole country ? We see it already 
in our midst — the spirit of di^ssatisfaction is madly on the increase. We 
well know that m my who are engaged in the war are opposed to the 
abolitionist, and it is not likely they can be changed from hatred and 
opp:isition to love and co-operation. If they were to, I should have 
little faith in such "eleventh hour" conversions, for they would be the 
conversions of the bullet, rather than the heart, and not reliable ; beyond 
all — the plain, up-hill tug of moral force is to be depended upon. Pa- 
tience, with unremitted moral effort, will secure devout ends. The idea 
that this is a war for the rights and liberties of the negro, north and 
south — is it not illusory ? It has never been proclaimed by government 
or permitted by general. So far, indeed, is such an expression from 
the heads of the movement, that to breathe it would seem to them, 
(strangely deceived as they are,) certain defeat, loss of foices and a 
deadening of the enthusiasm. I fear a cause that will not bear the fullest 
exposure, and rejects a volunteer on account of his color I fear a treaty 
made under such auspices, for it is not impossible, or improbable, that 
not a single word will be uttered relative to the cause. The history of 
treaties proves this Take the Madison treaty at Ghent as an example. 
The shout is "The Union, the Constitutinu and the Enforcement of 
the Laws." A political trinity, which undi'r immoral influences, resolves 
itself into a Union of greatest discord, and held together by other law3 
than those of attraction ; but which in '\i» pmili/ comprehends the full- 
est concord, obedience and the recognition of all the inalienable rights 
of the people. We have not had such since the birth of the nation, and 
it is scarcely to be expected, when we started with Slavery, and promul- 
gated in our Declaration of Independence u monstrous falsehood. The 
American citizen seems to want no higher motive than this trinity ; but 
he needs the purest means, and he should have the highest aims. What 
a sad commentary upon our age and country, if after the war is over, 
the unfortunate compromises with Slavery and wrong should be reaffirmed, 
the old Union with all its opprcRsions re-establi^ied, and the influence 
of our choicest spirits wasted. Such is not the mission of America. 
Whereas, what a splendid achievement it would be, to And our coun- 
trymen, whether in victory or defeat, masters throughout of themselves, 
contending unflinchingly with brain, with tongue, Avith pen and exam- 
ple, for the abolition of Slavery, the purity of government and the rights 
of mnn, from the very requirements of morality. Such appeals are not 
lost upon mankind. 

" For the protection of this Government we are authorized by both 
the Old and New Testament, to appeal to arms." I find nothing so 
specific. I find much that is susceptible of a variety of translations and 
some parts directly opposed to rthe use of carnal weapons. Under the 
old Mosaic law "Thou shalt'mat kill," was among the first command- 



ments ; and at the ushcrinjr in of the Cliristian dispoiisufinn, " Pcafeim 
earth," Was procUiinied. And surely, if the " whole Jewish history in 
its wars was under the direction of the Lord if II i?*ts," as thee states, 
it should have been perfect, and there would have been no eauw for the 
advent of Jesus Christ, to correct the sius of the world, and set an 
example of an opposite character. VVc are living under tiw^ Christian 
dispensation, which thee doubtless recognizes, rather than the; Jewisii. 
And again, if we accept thy proposition, why might not the Southerners 
consider themselves equally justiBed. In fact we Hiid them appealing 
to the same Divine Power for success in battle as our armies are doing. 
We find Jefferson Davis appointing a day for humiliati(m, and prayer 
for victory, and our Congress unanimously adopted resolutions for the 
same. Think of it — each section appealing to the same Father for di- 
rectly opposite ends ! There is but one God, he is not a "God of Bat- 
tles." He cannot answer both prayers — is it likely he will hear or ans- 
wer either? 

Thee proceeds with scriptural quotations, which will bear a variety of 
constructions. If spiritualized, they mean the opposite of carnal warfare, 
and if translated as some have done, they signify peace. Now I pretend to 
no skill in scriptural argument, and am particularly indisposed to such 
discussions. Firstly, because it really seems that every one can distort 
an argument pro or con, for almost any cause; and secondly, becau.se 
people translate and apply differently ; some depending on one part and 
some on another, some taking the words literally, and others the spirit 
of the whole offering. 

" That Christ and his Apostles did not condemn the use of the sword, 
it is manifest from various passages." I do not find a single precept 
that allows war or recommends it under any circumstances. Still I 
prefer works to words, and I find their lives meek, submissive, peaceful, 
never engaging in war of any kind, never avenging themselves, or fight- 
ing for country or government. They were sorely tried but stood 
firmly. Peter's case 1 hereafter explain. 

Thee quotes our Saviour, saying, "Think not that I come to send 
peace on the earth, I am not come to send peace but a sword." Does 
thee suppose Christ justified war by this, when his coming was one of 
peace and love, good will and sacrifice, and He enjoined " Peace on 
earth and good will to men." He su.ely never meant the artificial 
sword : but if used at all by him, was symbolical of the difficulties, 
obstacles and trials of this life, for we find these expressions, viz., "The 
weapons of our warfare arc not carnal;" "God hath called to peace;" 
"The whole armor of God;" "the breast-plate of righteouness ;" "the 
shield of faith; "the helni^ of salvation;" "the sword of the spirit;" 
"the good fight of faith ;" all in keeping with the poetical character of 
the Bible. But examine thy quotation in connection with the whole 
subject, as thee seems to justify war by this passage. It opens "Behold ! 
1 send you forth as sheep in the midst of wolves, be ye therefore wise as 
serpents and harmless as doves," and proceeds to speak of the trials they 
will be subjected to, but consoles them by saying "he that endureth to 
the end shall be saved;" and when he tells them, -that He does not come 
to send peace but a sword," with what immediately follow.s, "promising 



14 

spiritual life to him who loseth his bodily life for His sake," He clearly 
means that life here is one of trial, and that as we have our own various 
appetites and propensities, will meet with contention, but (htn it is for us 
to use our wisdom and conscience, and stand aloof from evil and be "harm- 
less as doves." Do not infer that by speaking of our evil propensities, 
1 would charge our troubles and misfortunes to our Father,— -No I he 
would have us perfect, and if we do our whdle duty, we will not be un- 
happy, nor found in the ranks of carnal warfare. Life would be too easy 
and morality no virtue, were there no trials or dissensi(ms. We must not 
overlook the great fact that this existence is one of probation, and prepa- 
vation for a higher. There are many who continually fret and despond 
over cares and troubles, little thinking they may be blessings, for by over- 
coming them, there is merit and happiness ; and this turmoil and general 
agitation may upset some grave deceits and inhuman oppressions, in tho 
land. They are the motive powers to men's thinking machines, and 
will do their work. 

" While sin and wickedness pxist in the world there can be no per- 
manent or complete peace ;" and yet tliee adds, " the only way to obtain 
peace is to conquer it." Thee admits the impossibility of tiie possetsion, 
and yet advises jiart and parcel of this very sin ajid wickedness to con- 
quer it. Thus seeking an impossibility, because of sin and wickedness, 
by means alike sinful and wicked. 

" Who can point out any more honorable way ?" Surely thee can- 
not regard war honorable, and yet admit it an evil. Thee holds lying 
and stealing wrong, and would not use either to effect thy purposes, nur 
call it honorable in others. Honor is due to Deity, and he and that 
nation, are most honorable that live by and live out the precepts and 
example of Christ, untrammeled by the views of other men or nations. 

If the three-quarters of a million of northern men now enrolled for 
war, were to present themselves in plain citizen's dress, without the 
sword and trappings of war, which I have always thought, with tiii! one 
step, one motion and one command, take away their individuality, dig- 
nity and manhood, making them merely glittering automatons ; were to 
present themselves thus to the South, as their brothers, best friends and 
part of "we, the people," with the word : We will not light; if blood 
is to be shed to consecrate our cause, it will have to be ours. We will 
not take your lives. We will love you and will aid you for all moral 
ends. We appeal to your best natures for our rights and the welfare of 
the whole human family. Grant our request, and you shall not regret 
it ! If you force us to submission, we submit, rather than engage in 
war. We can make no compromise with injustice and inhumanity, as 
we will resort to no inhumanity for expediency. We will make use of 
all the moral forces in our power for the riylit, whatever be our condi- 
tion, and will never relinquish our Father ! With such a course I can- 
not believe a single hair of the head would be harmed. No army, espe- 
cially no American army, would sacrifice many lives, but eventually 
grant all the rights that could be con(|uered by the victorious sword. 
And this without the horrors of bloodshed, the legalized robbery, the 
profuse drunkenness, profanity and demoralization, which are the con- 
comitants of war. Without, too, the immense debt which we are 



15 

imposing upon ourselves nud nnr ])ostiTity, ;if (lie mtc of Sl'/KIO, ()()() 
per day. Why if this invcstniout of iiionrj, of hniin urid imisde, were 
appropriated to reiuoviiig the cause of our difficulties, and convcrfin.,' 
and cementiug our countrymen, we would achieve permanent victoricH" 
and transmit to our children an inestimahle legacy. T do not pretend 
that this course would be feasible under a// circumstances iu the mid.st of 
wicked and unreflective war, excepting by an entire revolution of sentiment. 
It would be like calling in a physician expecting him to cure a dying 
patient when improper remedies had been adiiiinistercd. Still, ]f 
politicalli/ impracticable at present, I know it i.s momlli/ right, and 
mean to offer it as a preventive and as a duty — a course eminently 
calculated for an enlightened age and republican government, and the 
only way to ensure it for any future time, is to begin noio. Hence, I 
repeat, let the testimony of a pure non-resistance by force of arras, be 
the germ of an honorable plan to settle difficulties. We cannot too 
soon amend our constitution, and place our government upon such a 
peace basis as will relieve our President, our Cabinet, our Congress and 
ourselves from what are regarded as political obligations. It is our 
duty to assimilate the law of the land, with the immaculate law of our 
Father. 

What a sublime spectacle it would be, to find a people willing to 
relinquish their artificial claims of country, for the sake of peace and 
carrying out the great principles of Christ, There never has been a 
nation willing to relinquish a single inch of territory. Why not part 
with discordant members for the sake of Union, which means harmony; 
why not be willing to retreat and retire into such a domain as would be 
harmonious, and where the rights of all of God's creatures would be 
recognized ? This would, indeed, be an example of purity and morality 
challenging respect and worthy of imitation. As there was free will 
in the formation of the Union, for mutual benefit, let it be maintained 
upon this free will policy, which has been the admiration of the world. 
Secession would not then be mooted for light and trivial causes, especi- 
ally if we were to make the privilege of remaining in the Union a matter 
of desert — solicitous for harmony, virtue and good government, rather 
than for extent of territory, or recognition of authority Neither geo- 
graphical lines, nor governmental submission, comprehend and secure 
the highest prosperity or greatest happiness. 

Thee quotes the often used and much abused passage, " He that hath 
no sword, let him sell his garment and buy one." Apart from all the 
inconsistencies of this being considered literally, let us follow the history. 
Two swords were brought — two swords for them all — and Christ declared 
it enough. And again, when Peter used his, he corrected him, saying: 
"Put up thy sword into its place, for all they who take the sword shall 
perish \\ith the sword." Ihus the command would seem to be a cruel 
one, and the outlay for the weapou both useless and dangerous. This 
may be accepted, however, in the light of temptation, for having the 
sword might induce its use, proving without temptation there is no 
virtue, and it leads me to suggest that we should pray instead of " Lead 
me not into temptation," — 7/ led into temptation, deliver me from evil. 
The translation of the original admits this construction. The grandest 



16 

conflict is that wlii(;li battles with temptation, and the most glorious 
victory that which successfully oveicomes it. Thus each of thy quota- 
tions can be explained and reconciled. 

" We are countenanced by the example of Christian men." The pre- 
sumption of " Christian men," is a common error. There have been 
and are v^rj few Christians in the proper acceptation of the term. 
Christ has*rnany pretended followers, but very few really deserving the 
title. It is easy to call this the Christian era, and ourselves Christians, 
because we recignize the purity and perfection of Christ ; but it seems 
to me we are the more to blame, for with this knowledge and developf- 
iiieut, we yet engage in war as did those who lived in the unchristiaa 
eras. 

Thy examples of great and good men, are not excellencies in the ful- 
lest moral developement and martyrdom to the example and principles 
of our Saviour. Far be it from me to dim the lustre of any one of them. 
I mean to be charitable. They may have lived up to their highest con- 
victions of duty. I believe some are doing so now, benefitting their 
fellow men, and displaying many virtues ; and yet how different from 
the life of Christ. How unfortunate the example. How inferior to the 
many martyrs I might name, if I did not feel that my letter was exce d- 
ing the bounds of patience and propriety 'J'hee speaks of them as "able 
soldiers, sincere Christians, and God-fearing men." How strangely 
anomalous ! Yet thee accepts their " precepts and examples." Let us 
not lean too much upon others As we are responsible to God rather 
than to country, in a unif// capacity, not a community, we arc required 
to individualize and depend upon ourselves. 

" The builders of Jerusalem had swords to defend both their lives 
and cause." We want no distracted Jerusalem here ! changing rulers 
only by strife of arms, and memorable for so many horrors. ^Jo ! we 
want a plain, practical, humanitarian government of consent and not of 
compulsion. It was so intended, let it be so consummated. 

There is much I might add in answer to thy closing remarks ; but 
will merely quote a few passages from the source thee holds in highest 
reverence, and if carefully examined, I trust will strengthen my earnest 
and conscientious appeal! "Christ is our peace;" "He came and 
preached peace;" " 1 am for peace;" " Have peace one with another;" 
"Be ye all of one mind, having compassion one of another;" " Love 
as brethren ; be pitiful, courteous : not rendering evil for evil, or railing 
for railing ;" " Be at peace among yourselves;" " See that none remler 
evil for evil with any man ;" " God hath called us to peace ;" " Follow 
after love, patience, meekness;" "Live in peace;" "Lay aside all 
malice;" "Avenge not yourselves;" "If thine enemy hunger feed 



him; if he thirst give him drink ;" " Recompense to no man evil for 
evil :" " Ye have heard that it hath been said, an eye for an eye," &c. 

How grandly do we find the finest moral feelings emulated : 
•'Poverty of spirit, mourning, meekness, craving for righteousness; 
mercy, purity of heart, peacemitkin>/, sufferance of persecution." "Give 
place unto wrath : for it is written vengeance is mine; " Follow peace 
with all luen ;" Let nothing be done through strife or vain glory;" 
"The servant of the Lord must not strive, but be gentle with all 



17 

It seems to lue, that those who want inoro direct written ovid.MU'O, 
that our Father disapproves of war, that Christians shouhl not li;rht, 
under the present or any other circumstances, will want a Bihlo exi'licir 
upon every peculiar circumstance that may arise in their every day lilr. 
These testimonies are high toned, full, complete and satisfactory when 
properly understood Take these — take what I have written, iiiijierfecf 
as it is, purely as intended — not in any political or parti^n sense, fur 
wo see how sadly some abuse this high moral power, by calliiM' nicetini's 
ostensibly for peace, but virtually for the basest purposes ; take all with 
an earnest desire to know the truth, into the closet of thy own heart, 'is 
I trust thee is wont to do, and learn the lesson. l?c not inijiatient td 
receive the revelation that loill come from a higher source, it may be 
slow, it at first may be uncertain ; but eventually will be clear and 
satisfactory, and will place thee upon the very Gibraltar of truth and 
goodness and patriotism; such, indeed, as will strengthen thee fm- all 
positions, national or human — as a citizen and a Christian. 
And then — 

'• Be firm I whatever tempt.s thy soul 

To loiter ere it reach its goal. 

AVhatever siren voice would draw 

Thy heart from dity and its law : 

() that distrust I Go bravely on. 

Until the victor's crown l)e won 
Be firm 1 

Firm — when thy conscience is assailed I 
Firm — when the star of Hope is veileil I 
Firm — in defending wrong and sin I 
Firm — in life's contiict, toil and din I 
Firm — in the path by martyrs trod ! 
And I in love to man and Goo 
Be firm !'' 

Thine, Hopefully and Fraternally, 

Alfred H. Love. 



^Ss 



4 



J 



.mm 



o V 






A 



.-^^ 



nV- 
















A^ 



^ 



V 



\^ 



^^ 



.<?. 



'^<^ 
•J^. 











>p^'^. 




4 O 



^^-v^. 



,V o.c. -^^ A^ L/- '^^ ^V 






^^ 



V' (. ' * °- O 



„^> 







A^ 



.v\^ 






o « - ^^ 



V 






^^•n^. 



o.. ■*.':. '^^^o^ <^^ 



,v 















.0' 



-z^ 



" = * *0 



t^ 



A^ 






'bV 



-^^ 






^"^^-n: 






<<N 



<^„ 



A^' 



.0' 




1 V ^, 












'. ^^c^ 



c 




,iy 









x 




.0 



^^ 








-^^0^ 










^^^4^. 



:^x:%: 




'O 



JAN. 69 

N. MANCHESTER, 

IMniAMA 




.^ 



v^. 



'^ '^ >^y^^^^ 



^^r^^ ^... -C^ /tf^ 






LIBHARY OF CONGRESS 

Ifiriiri' nilli! Illl'li'in nn 11 



illliilliillllllll lllllil llllljijllii j, i| 
012 028 061 2 



'.;.•„ 



",l. 



"■mm 






;i ; ;:'.- _ ,.'. 'i',(| 


'.11; 'i 


(il^^^^^B 






9 


','■!>■ 

,:. ': ■; ■ ■■■iy 


1 


H 



.i.^ft: 






i:::i:;';'::i!'V'.';^:lH1 






LIBRPRY 



012 { 



Conservation Resources 
Lig-Free® Type I 



i)2«E ""^ CONGRESS 

iilli 

012 028 061 



